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Chapter Responses
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This paper provides an essay that responds to three chapters related to architecture and ...... More...
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Paper Abstract:
This paper provides an essay that responds to three chapters related to architecture and city planning in two books: Peter Hall’s Cities of Tomorrow and Alan Gilbert’s Urbanization in Contemporary Latin America. The responses focus on how city planning efforts during the 20th century were a reaction to the ills and ideologies of 19th century city planning.
Paper Introduction:
Chapter Responses In Peter Hall\'s Cities of Tomorrow and in Alan Gilbert\'sUrbanization in Contemporary Latin America it becomes evident that cityplanning in the twentieth century was largely a response to the ills andideologies of th century cities In Hall\'s work two major responses tothe overcrowded industrial slums of Victorian England led to the gardencity and the monumental city both with distinctly different modes ofliving and ideologies The garden city was guide by social purpose whilethe monumental city was absent or even hostile
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In "The Building of Latin American Cities," Hardoy (19) explainsthat different societies planned and built cities in different ways but thedistinction in such planning between "ruler" and "ruled" was firmlyestablished. Urbanization in Contemporary Latin America. As Hall(88) writes, "His garden cities were merely the vehicles for a progressivereconstruction of capitalist society into an infinity of cooperativecommonwealths." Today's suburbs do function in such a cooperative ofcommonwealths fashion, but not exactly how envisioned by Howard. For example, Daniel Burnham's (192-193)mostly realized plan for Chicago was to restore civic pride and conveyedaims of monumental architecture, "Its basic concept...was to restore to thecity a lost visual and aesthetic harmony, thereby creating the physicalprerequisite for the emergence of a harmonious social order." A citystruggling from too-rapid growth and too-rich a mixture of nationalitieswas to be given order through expanding parks, removing slums, and creatingnew thoroughfares. civic pride and commercialism fueled thisform of city planning. Cities of Tomorrow: An Intellectual History of Urban Planning and Design in the Twentieth Century. Strong insocial purpose, the garden city was a self-contained constellation in thecountryside, removed from the overcrowded and polluted industrial urbancenters. As such, the connectionamong city planning and culture, ideology, geography and government becomesclear.Works CitedGilbert, Alan, Hardoy, Jorge E., and Ramirez, Ronaldo, eds. In British India and Africa the monumental city wastestament to imperial power, while in Hitler's Germany and Stalin's Russiait symbolized totalitarianism. In conclusion, my impression of these three chapters includes thebelief that one of the ways city planning re-echoes, recycles, andreconnects over time stems from the fact that such planning is typicallysought to express a specific set of values or ideology of a culture. 82693 Chapter Responses In Peter Hall's Cities of Tomorrow and in Alan Gilbert'sUrbanization in Contemporary Latin America, it becomes evident that cityplanning in the twentieth century was largely a response to the ills andideologies of 19th century cities. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2 2. Hall (11 ) discusses the riseof the dormitory suburbs which were what he views as the antithesis ofHoward's design and purpose of the garden city: "Welwyn...was developed andmarketed in the first decade as a middle-class dormitory for citycommuters, and its values protected in a manner no envisaged by EbenezerHoward involving the segregation of factories and weekly rented housing tothe further side of the railway tracks." In this sense separation ratherthan cooperation was the outcome compared to Howard's vision of the garden. Hardoy's "The Building of Latin American Cities," theauthor demonstrates how distinctions of class have guided city planning forcenturies in Latin American urban history, "The self-built shelter of themajority surrounded the small city core built for pre-Columbian, colonialor national elites. The core always exhibited street plans, land uses andbuilding standards very different from the rest of the city; the differencebetween ruler and ruled was established long ago" (Gilbert, Hardoy andRamirez 19). New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1982.Hall, Peter. However, this shows the conflict of social objectivesand aesthetic means that was characteristic of the monumental city in theview of Hall. The distinction between ruler and ruled was mirrored by 19th centuryVictorian cities, where the poor lived in overcrowded, industriallypolluted urban slums. Envisioned as a form of new living where jobs and people couldcooperate across the countryside, garden cities were not some utopia ofpastoral ideals but rather a new form of social experiment too. In Hall's work, two major responses tothe overcrowded, industrial slums of Victorian England led to the gardencity and the monumental city, both with distinctly different modes ofliving and ideologies. In the U.S. Historically, city planning did not exist per se, since mostpre-Colombian cities evolved "spontaneously" on an existing agriculturalsite or religious center (Hardoy 2 ). This city was what Hardoy (22) maintains was "anartificial environment built by an elite to administer and control theproduction, commerce, and religious and cultural life over a vastterritory." In this sense, pre-Colombian city planning was only occupiedwith the physical characteristics and environment of the main districts inmajor towns where elites resided, unlike the city plans of those involvedin the garden and monumental city movements, which also included efforts toplan for suburbs and to improve the living environment of the poor. The new planned social order of the garden city ultimately spreadaround the globe, but it often evolved into forms practicallyunrecognizable compared to Howard's vision. The garden city was guide by social purpose, whilethe monumental city was absent or even hostile to social purpose.Likewise, in Jorge E. The first and most significant of these responseswas the "garden city" developed by Ebenezer Howard (Hall 88). Despite shelter for the poor beingself-built and of perishable materials, the elites controlled the plan ofthe pre-Columbian city. Thegarden city sought to advance social justice for the poor and create self-contained rural towns apart from the negative impact of industrialism. Hall maintains different responses to the ills andideologies of this type of city planning emerged that over time re-echo,recycle and reconnect. Themonumental city was advanced to symbolize national values or governmentideology, from civic pride to totalitarianism. A later development in city planning Hall (189) refers to as the"monumental city." Instead of being guided by social purpose, Hallmaintains this form of city planning not only lacked social purpose but wasoften hostile to it. Cities in Latin Americaclearly have a long history of being designed to express distinctions insocial status or to control environmental factors.
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