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MULTICULTURALISM.
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Discusses debate over multiculturalism.... More...
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Paper Abstract:
Discusses debate over multiculturalism. Individual and group rights in contemporary liberalism. Political agendas. Theoretical traditions and demands for greater ethnic representation in politics and resource distribution. American racism. Eurocentrism. Liberalism and human rights. Concept of liberal neutrality and impartiality. Assimilation and cultural identity. Multiple visions and commonalities. The politics of difference. Sentence Outline.
Paper Introduction:
INDIVIDUAL AND GROUP RIGHTS IN CONTEMPORARY LIBERALISM: OUTLINE
I. INTRODUCTION.
A. Raging debate over multiculturalism permeates nearly every facet of academic endeavor. Political philosophers are as embroiled in these discussions as any others. Theoretical traditions are being reexamined in light of demands for group representation in political participation and resource distribution.
II ROOTS OF THE PROBLEM.
A. Every ethnic group that has migrated to America has
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They want to foster and recognizeparticularity.VI. 233). 436). Consequently, the supposedly fairand difference-blind society is not only inhuman because it suppressesidentities in the name of assimilation into the dominant culture, but also,in a subtle and unconscious way, is itself highly discriminatory. Or perhaps to find a new, politically current identity?The choice of accepting a cultural identity that marginalizes us or elseassimilating to modern "non-identities" is unfair, to say the least(Phelan, 2 , p. Dignity is a leveling, or equalizing force fromwhich we get an individualized identity.VII. 398-99). (1992). Taylor defines two spheres of identity: the intimate and the public.The intimate sphere is the personal level of attaining identity, throughthe dialogical discourse of one's upbringing and throughout one'sexistence. However, it may beinhospitable to difference, Taylor claims, for it can't accommodate whatmembers of groups attempt to aspire to: survival of their group. (Kymlicka, 1989, 145) Kymlicka asserts that defending minority rights within liberalismrequires two things: 1) showing that cultural membership has a moreimportant status in liberal thought than is explicitly recognized; and 2)showing that the members of minority cultures may face particular kinds ofdisadvantages with respect to the good of cultural membership which requireand justify minority rights. Taylor arguesthat the very word "secular" was originally a Christian term. What is important for liberals is not abstracting the individualfrom society, but providing social conditions under which people can choosetheir essential good(Kymlicka, 1989, p. Liberalism, Community, and Culture. Gay and Lesbian Politics: Sexuality and theEmergence of a New Ethic, Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 239p. Are those whoidentify with cultures or religions that are patriarchal and homophobic,and find themselves the excluded in their own cultures, simply to dowithout tradition? 1. A. Raging debate over multiculturalism permeates nearlyevery facet of academic endeavor. Ingram, D. Second, the notion of individual choiceassumes that a culture, or parts of it, can be forfeited for something elsethat is more valuable. CONCLUSIONS: A. Liberalsociety has defended the right for cultures of groups to defend themselves,within reasonable bounds, but it seems their demands are larger. The collapse of hierarchies - identity was mostlya person=s place within society. RECOGNITION OF GROUP RIGHTS. Choice is also at odds with the importance of culture inidentity formation, as asserted by many multiculturalists. The question is not "On what do we all currently agree that can serveas a basis of political discussion?" Nor is it an answer to the question,"What can we agree on once we have bracketed such differences as religion,gender, race and ethnicity?" It is more like "What can we agree on, givenample time for debate, that allows us to meet in the commons and that doesnot require us to abandon or bracket those background convictions on whichwe differ?" This means that the construction of a fabric of public reason,of a commons, requires real arguments between real interlocutors with realsubstantive moral convictions (Rawls, 1985, p. Hence, Rawls' conception of justice asfairness addresses both charges of universalism and doctrinal imperialism.(Rawls, 1985, 249) Associated with charges of Eurocentrism are more pragmatic concernsthat the liberty and equality of opportunity espoused by liberals havenever been realized in American institutions. 11 ,No. The project oflegitimization is conceived of in terms of rules for participation inpublic discussions in which legitimate political decisions are made. Is accurate representation ofgroups enough to secure the conditions for examination and pursuit of thegood? Taylor, C. Possibly the most frequent critique of modern liberalism is that ofabstract individualism. Rawls offers the idea of afree-floating, overlapping consensus to describe what can be talked about,how it should be talked about, and the level of agreement that should besought in liberal public discourse. Young, I. 4, Pages 587-6 5. Theoretical traditions are being reexamined inlight of demands for group representation in political participation andresource distribution. However, within modern liberalism, people are not abstractindividuals, but social beings, whose essential interest is in living agood life. Group rights: Reconciling Equality and Difference.Lawrence: University Press of Kansas. The notion of individual choice assumes that aculture, or parts of it, can be forfeited for somethingelse that is more valuable. Within the politics of universal dignity on the other handrequires that "we treat people in a difference-blind fashion." According to Hegel, we flourish only to the extent we are recognized.It is this that motivates us to achieve honor: for recognition from equalsis more valuable than recognition from losers. This has recently beenfound unconstitutional by the U.S. B. This hierarchical society was thebasis for honor. We ought to respect all cultures, and furthermoreidentity groups. THE POLITICS OF DIFFERENCE The attack on the politics of universal dignity comes from theminority groups that are demanding recognition within a politics ofdifference. (2 ). 2. 94 No. 232-261. 133). Meyer, W. We must find the deeper things that unite us, allow usto see the differences, and proceed to develop solutions. Continued divisionbetween public and nonpublic identities, and the abstraction required forparties to the original position are problematic. (2 ). Rawls argues that this capacity fordifferent traditions to share a political conception of justice asconsistent with their own ideals augments both social unity and stability(Rawls, 1985, p. October, Vol. Within the hierarchical society, identity wasmostly a person=s place within society. Therefore, publicagreement regarding "the good" is not sought. "Justice as Fairness: Political not Metaphysical,"Philosophy and Public Affairs; June. First,insistence on a political identity which values basic individual equalityand liberty may pose problems for groups whose comprehensive doctrinesplace more value on a social self. Scholarly attention to the "recognition" and"difference" of cultural groups suggests that a multicultural agenda mustaddress histories of exclusion and domination. (Kymlicka, 1989, 154) Kymlica states: "Liberals should be concerned with the fate ofcultural structures, not because they have some moral status of their own,but because it's only through having a rich and secure cultural structurethat people can become aware, in a vivid way, of the options available tothem, and intelligently examine their value." (Kymlicka, 1989, 162) ASSIMILATION "Assimilation", with its goal of a common civic culture, is moreconvenient for the needs of democracy than is cultural pluralism, but thecost to the psychological well-being of individual citizens is exorbitant.We can refer to the price of assimilation as alienation. 3; p. 431-38. Iris Marion Young, for instance, notes: One of the main contributions of poststructuralist philosophy has been to expose as illusory this metaphysic of a unified self-making subjectivity, which posits the subject as an autonomous origin or an underlying substance to which attributes of gender, nationality, family role, intellectual disposition, and so on might attach (Young, 199 , p. The external risk of assimilation is fear of exposure. When most religions are patriarchal,and regard homosexuality as morally objectionable, how can people who arenot heterosexual males feel comfortable with their religion? (1995). Formainstream Islam, there would be no question of separation. Three things are inseparable in Rousseau: freedom, i.e.,nondomination; the absence of differentiated roles; and a very tight commonpurpose. Theargument that liberal tenets have never been entirely realized is not asufficient reason to abort the project. Acknowledgment of the importance of culture to the exercise of individual rights. 57). Modern liberal theory addresses theseconcerns by positing an impartial or neutral public sphere for theadjudication of justice claims, basic rights of individuals that take intoaccount the importance of cultural membership, and necessary conditions forthe examination and pursuit of various cultural goods. (1989). Supreme Court because such actionconstitutes "gerrymandering" when done to create a particular racial orethnic result (De Greiff, 2 , p. David Ingram, writing in "Group Rights: Reconciling Equality andDifference," says: Because so many white Americans are of immigrant stock, one would think they would be more sympathetic to the plight of blacks. M. Rawls, J. 34). Rawls' reassurance thatconflictual issues may remain on the table is important for protecting thedegree of diversity, and possibly incommensurability, suggested by thepolitics of difference. E., eds.: Citizenship After Liberalism. Political philosophers are as embroiled in thesediscussions as any others. But in themodern age, the need for recognition is brought about by the distinctpossibility that we can fail (Taylor, 1992, p. THE ROOTS OF THE PROBLEM The problem is rooted in the age-old American problem of racism.Every ethnic group that has migrated to America has found itself denigratedby those already here, and forced to organize itself on group lines byethnic identification, entering politics to find a way in which to obtainthe rights for the group that each as an individual is supposed to haveunder the Constitution. We aremore at peace with ourselves and more at home in the world if we have someawareness of our history as part of a cultural or historic entity largerthan ourselves as individuals. This assumption undermines the idea of a culture asa coherent whole. Rousseau calls this the sentiment of existence. He is interested in providing somegrounds for stability and unity among the disparate groups of the state.Thus, his overlapping consensus is intended to narrow the range ofdisagreements between different groups who support multiple visions of thegood. Such concerns oversimplifythe complex relationship between political ideals and contextualimplementation and mistakenly place fault with the ideals. RECOGNITION OF GROUP RIGHTS Charles Taylor, writing in "The Politics of Recognition," says thattwo changes have brought about this need for recognition. Taylor contrasts honor with dignity: "We speak of the dignity ofhuman life. 3. The individual must be dependent on the common will. Awareness ofracial, ethnic, and/or religious identity is important to people. "Assimilation", with its goal of a common civicculture, is more convenient for the needs of democracy than iscultural pluralism, but the cost to the psychological well-beingof individual citizens is exorbitant.V. White Americans of immigrant stock wonder why blacks have not been as successful as they have been in raising themselves out of poverty. This type of politics has also seen such actions as creatinglegislative districts with sufficient population of a particular ethnicgroup so as to insure the election of a member of that group to theparticular office; such guaranteed group representation is seen as insuringsocial stability within the local political groups. 2 Pg. INTRODUCTION. Kymlicka bases the importance of this project around theprotection of minority rights on both philosophical and pragmatic grounds.He acknowledges that for liberalism to remain a dynamic and robustpolitical philosophy, it must respond to eminent and immanent concernsregarding its supposed lack of theoretical attention to the relationshipbetween individual and community. Modern liberals have taken great pains to separate a politicalconception of justice from metaphysical foundationalism. For liberals, the principle of equal protection has been a primarytool for providing free conditions under which different views of the goodcan be pursued. Rawlssuggests instead that questions are not removed from the political agendasolely because they are a source of conflict. Furthermore, this mold is not an indifferent mold, but infact a reflection of the dominant group. THE POLITICS OF DIFFERENCE. They wantnot only to survive but recognition, and acknowledgment of their worth. It is this provision of social conditions, by way of a formulation ofthe basic structure of society, that Rawls is concerned with in positingthe concept of "justice as fairness." Rawls' idea of justice as the firstvirtue of political society does not necessarily abstract the individualfrom his/her social context by ruling out important virtues such asbonding, love, and identification (Rawls, 1985, p. Rawls' conceptionof justice as an overarching moral or philosophical ideal, grounding it asa workable political principle for constitutional regimes -- allows for theconcept to be claimed from within many doctrines, rather than being imposedfrom a Eurocentric vantage point. Our failure isnot in adopting such principles but in failing to live up to them. We appeal instead to apolitical conception of justice to distinguish between those questions thatcan be reasonably removed from the political agenda and those that cannot.Some questions still on the agenda will be controversial, at least to somedegree; this is normal with political issues. (Taylor,1992, 87) Within our universal dignity view, then, it may be a far-fetchedclaim that it seeks to abolish cultural differences. Critics argue that, both historically and metaphysically,liberalism rests on particular notions of the self andsociety that pass as universal in the interests of Western culturalimperialism. That external fear is likely accompanied bypsychological malaise: not only of discovery, but of in authenticity, asense of alienation. Gender and sexual orientation in relation to religion mayserve as a paradigm of the difficulty. LIBERALISM AND HUMAN RIGHTS: A. (Kymlicka, 1989, p.32). Two changes have brought about this need forrecognition. & Denham, M. Multiculturalism aspiresto replace discriminatory practices with equal status relationships in aninclusionary public realm. 46). In order to have honor some must not have it, a quality ofthe elite. The liberal ideal of neutrality allows for public tolerance of manydifferent visions of "the good life." Liberals acknowledge that modernconstitutional governments are composed of different groups with varyingnotions of the good life, which are often conflicting. De Greiff, P. They want to foster and recognize particularity. From Rousseau we get morality as following a voice of nature withinus, and our moral salvation comes from recovering authentic moral contactwith ourselves. Taking this view, we soon come to the conclusion that that ourrevolution for freedom from the hierarchical society has brought about thepossibility that this search for identity can now fail. However, in a society where one cultural group is dominant,treating everyone the same may not be an execution of justice nor fairness.For example, success demands sacrifices from marginalized groups that itdoes not require of the mainstream group (Rawls, 1985, p. 397-415. "The Politics of Differentiated Citizenship;" inSlawner, K. William J. Dignity is a leveling, or equalizing term. The new pluralism raises questions about the impact of such groups on civic identity and civic rights (Meyer, 1998, p. Detractors contend that the liberal emphasis onindividual rights is non-relational, failing to recognize the essentialembeddedness of persons in social contexts. (199 ). For political philosophers this agenda raisesthe question: What theoretical orientation is most hospitable to the idealsof multiculturalism, and consistent with a multicultural public ethos? (1985). ----------------------- 16 2. INDIVIDUAL AND GROUP RIGHTS IN CONTEMPORARY LIBERALISM: OUTLINEI. 14, No. This reasoning can be quite clearly seen in the (liberal)governmental response to the Civil Rights movement in the 196 s, the resultof which in the South has been the election of African-Americans to officesfrom mayor to sheriff and appointments as chief of police or superintendentof public education in numbers that would have been inconceivable 4 yearsago, with resultant participation in creating and enforcing the rules forparticipation in public discussion from which political decisions are made. A. Theassimilated lives with the apprehension of being identified, "fingered" byenemies, racists, chauvinists. CONCLUSIONS Multiculturalism's focus on the politics of recognition anddifference require two things of liberal theory: first, an acknowledgmentof the importance of culture to the exercise of individual rights; andsecond, protection of many different conceptions of the good forindividuals and groups alike. The very historical depth and venerability of "tradition" and"culture" also guarantee that it will be problematic for many living in themodern world. Every ethnic group that has migrated to America hasfound itself denigrated by those already here, and forced toorganize itself on group lines by ethnic identification, enteringpolitics to find a way in which to obtain the rights for the groupthat each as an individual is supposed to have under theConstitution.III. protection of many different conceptions of thegood for individuals and groups alike. From this we get anindividualized identity B one that is particular to me, and that I discoverin myself (Taylor, 1992, p. The liberal emphasis on conditions to examine andpursue one's ends is problematic for three reasons when consideringcultural goods. The emotional distress may not be a constantcompanion, but it can be triggered at any time by unexpectedevents, and is the source of a perpetual, draining vigilance. 167). New York:Oxford University Press. Vol. By denying or avoiding cultural identity, the individual runs tworisks, one internal, the other external. Although one might respond to them by pointing out that Americans descended from slaves experienced a uniquely brutal form of discrimination, immigrants counter - with some justification - that they or their ancestors have also encountered hostility, if not outright discrimination (Ingram, 2 , 3). "Deliberative Democracy and GroupRepresentation," Social Theory & Practice. The struggle for recognitionhas only one satisfactory solution, Hegel suggests, that is, a regime ofreciprocal recognition among equals. Justice and the Politics of DifferencePrinceton: Princeton University Press. Theassimilated Jew, the person of color who is "passing", the closeted gay orlesbian lives with a constant, if not always conscious, fear of exposure(Phelan, 2 , p. Kymlicka, W. It is thisidea of authenticity that undermines the hierarchical social-positionidentities. A large part of Kymlicka's project in "Liberalism, Community, andCulture," is to reconcile modern liberal theory with the notion of cultureas a primary good. "Ethnic Diversity and Democratic Stability: TheCase of Irish Americans," Political Science Quarterly; Winter, Vol. Democratic stability in a multi-ethnic society,such as the United States, lies within a process that permits the politicalmobilization of major ethnic groups and effective management of ethnicdispute that may arise from such mobilization (Cochran, 1995, p. As Benjamin Franklin saidto Samuel Adams at the time of the signing of the Declaration ofIndependence, "we must now all hang together, or, most assuredly, we shallall hang separately." REFERENCES Blasius, M. Cochran, D. 26 No. 3, Pgs. Culturegives access to tradition, which may make one part of something larger thanthe immediate ego and its needs. But he does not seek to get rid of disagreement by searching fordeeper commonalties that might subsume or ignore differences. Today, the victim status of a group seems to be the "coin of therealm" in determining who shall be the beneficiary of government programsand policies, with homosexuals and women joining the African-Americans andLatinos as the discriminated-against groups of the moment, while the Irish- who suffered nearly a century of discrimination that only ended when oneof their own was elected President of the United States - are considered bythese groups to be among the oppressor groups in the country. It is this search for what we share in common, for what is deeperthan the conflicts that lie on the surface, that allow us to recognize ourdifferences and proceed anyway, that are now crucial if America is to findthe opportunity to achieve its founding ideals. 589). 45). The Politics of Recognition, Princeton: PrincetonUniversity Press. This politics of multiculturalism, for Taylor "implies that wehave the standards to make such comparisonsYBy implicitly invoking ourstandards to judge all civilizations and cultures, the politics ofdifference can end up making everyone the same." As Taylor states: It is reasonable to suppose that cultures that have provided the horizon of meaning for large numbers of human beings, or diverse characters and temperaments, over a long period of time B that have, in other words, articulated their sense of the good, the holy, the admirable B are almost certain to have something that deserves our respect, even if it is accompanied by much that we have to abhor and rejectYit would take a supreme arrogance to discount this possibility a priori (Taylor, 1992, p. (1994). The internal risk is loss of whatis comforting about one's "culture": its history, and venerability. 242). Theoreticaltraditions are being reexamined in light of demands for grouprepresentation in political participation and resourcedistribution.II ROOTS OF THE PROBLEM. This action, which is today often derided by those who promote"multiculturalism" in fact created the basis within society for themulticulturalists to have the opportunity to make their arguments. (2 ) "Queer Liberalism;" American Political ScienceReview; June, Vol. The first is thecollapse of hierarchies. Third, thenotion of free choice presumes some level of autonomy; it seems to be basedon the assumption that people have definite interests of their own that canbe clearly delineated from other people's interests. Earlier people didnot depend on recognition, for it was built into their society. 1. New York:Peter Lang. Using Taylor=s example, a controversy over a book like SalmonRushdie=s Satanic Verses illustrated that the separation of church andstate is only a meeting ground for most of western civilization. Rawls refers to society, not as a union of individuals, but as a"union of social unions." He also insists that justice is not acomprehensive metaphysical ideal, but a political conception appropriatefor a partitioning of social realms; justice may be most appropriate forthe public realm, but an ideal such as loyalty or caring might be bettersuited for other "nonpublic" realms. The attack on the politics of universal dignity comesfrom the minority groups that are demanding recognition within apolitics of difference. ASSIMILATION A. Assimilationseems possible on the surface, but ancient identities die hard. Critics charge that liberal neutrality and impartiality neglect, oreven disallow, certain conceptions of the good and that public/privatedistinctions maintain relations of domination. C. The notion of free choice presumes some level ofautonomy; it seems to be based on the assumption that peoplehave definite interests of their own that can be clearlydelineated from other people's interests.IV. Political philosophers are asembroiled in these discussions as any others. 433). Meyer, writing in "the Politics of DifferentiatedCitizenship," says of the tension between individual and group rights incontemporary socio-political analysis: The 'new pluralism,' however narrowly or broadly it conceives relevant groups, does not address the fragmentation of society into competing interests but rather the underlying variability of culture and identity in modern society, and the influence of these on the practices of democratic politics. Are liberals stillabstracting individual interests out of social contexts in ways that do notmesh with identity formation and social interaction? (Blasius,1994, 87) LIBERALISM AND HUMAN RIGHTS The liberal emphasis on conditions to examine and pursue one's endsis problematic for three reasons when considering cultural goods. This is found in a society with acommon purpose. The case for thepolitics of difference is that a universal potential for forming anddefining one's own identity as well as group identities, ought not to beimpinged in any way. INDIVIDUAL AND GROUP RIGHTS IN CONTEMPORARY LIBERALISM INTRODUCTION In today's society we hear a common plea for identity and recognitionespecially from Minority groups, some forms of feminism and the politics of"multiculturalism." They claim identity is partly shaped by recognition orits absence, and thus a person can suffer distortion of identity: aninferior image of themselves from demeaning social conditions. Instead, liberal politicaltheorists seek to provide grounds that legitimate the power of the state,or the public, in mediating conflicting interests. The public sphere leads to a broader, more complicated issue,and leads to the heart of the politics of recognition. Their claim isthat this blind equality forces people into a homogenous mold that isuntrue to them. 238-41). (1998). Insistence on a political identity which valuesbasic individual equality and liberty may pose problems forgroups whose comprehensive doctrines place more value on asocial self. In looking at another culture, we are approaching it from our own,much in the way that we learn a language in translation and reference toour own. 238). Multiculturalism's focus on the politics of recognitionand difference require two things of liberal theory: 1. A. Contemporary theorists of identity have not been much help.Postmodern theorists believe the idea of a single identifiable "subject" isan illusion: all embody a variety of identities, or perhaps nothing thatmay be called identity at all. 2. Phelan, S. An emphasis on the social conditions which necessitate a politicalconception of justice indicates that modern liberals are not so naive as toconsider the "self" as atomistic or existing prior to social relationships.But, aside from abstract individualism and of equal concern tomulticulturalism, modern liberalism may also seem vulnerable to charges ofEurocentrism. A. We also must remember here, that we are looking through culturallenses. J. But this response has not occurred. Raging debate over multiculturalism permeates nearly every facet ofacademic endeavor. Being released from the insularity of egomay prove comforting; it provides perspective on daily needs andpreoccupations that renders them less than overwhelming.Cultural identity may in this way be able to mitigate the angst thealienation that makes so many moderns hunger for meaning in their lives(Young, 199 , 65).
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