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INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ECONOMY.
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Critique and evaluation of a 2002 article.... More...
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Paper Abstract:
Critique and evaluation of a 2002 article. "The Post-September 11 Debate Over Empire, Globalization and Fragmentation." Argument of author that fragmentation is the inevitable consequence of the emergence of a superpower capable of hegemonic actions. Imperialism in the 21st Century; globalization as cause and result. Links terrorism to fragmentation. American foreign policy.

Paper Introduction:
Article Critique: International Political Economy Summary of Main Issues Walter LaFeber (p. 1) argues that empire and imperialism generates the process of globalization and that fragmentation is an almost always inevitable consequence of the emergence of a sole superpower capable of hegemonic action. LaFeber (p. 2) suggests in his article that fragmentation of the political economy had taken place prior to the terrorist attacks on the United States of September 11, 2001. These attacks are seen by LaFeber (p. 2) as a climax of the globe’s growing fragmentation with the U.S.-led response indicative of how great states attempt to reimpose needed order. LaFeber (p. 18) concludes his discussion of these relationships by referencing the potential that the American governm

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It is not, however, clear from his analysis that thisis indeed the case. 2) as a climax of the globe's growingfragmentation with the U.S.-led response indicative of how great statesattempt to reimpose needed order. It is anticipated that the post-September 11th world will be less shaped by the globalism, unilateralism,and fragmentation that helped produce that world. LaFeber (p. 18) concludes his discussion of these relationships byreferencing the potential that the American government led by PresidentGeorge W. 18) that America will extend democracy throughout the world.There are many nations that are proving highly resistant to democracy.Prominent among them is the Peoples Republic of China which remains firmlycommitted to Maoist, Marxist ideology. 6) alsosuggests that the September 11th attacks utilized some of the technologiesof globalization to climax a decade of rapid globalization and therebythreatened to bring globalization to a standstill.Critical Examination of Issues and Arguments Among the important issues discussed by LaFeber (p. LaFeber's article was published in the spring 2 2 issueof Political Science Quarterly. These countries are not democracies and do not valuedemocratic ideals and traditions. In theory, the United Nations will decide in the Security Council,whether Iraq has sufficiently satisfied its obligations with respect toweapons of mass destruction and inspections. Drawing heavily upon early comments on America offered byAlexis de Tocqueville, LaFeber (p. Work CitedLaFeber, Walter. In reality, LaFeber (p. 2) makes the case that American imperialism inthe twenty-first century has contributed significantly to fragmentation ona number of levels. The vast majority of Americans andall human beings tend to be most directly concerned with those issues thataffect them personally. These "fatal" failures did notsufficiently halt fragmentation. LaFeber (pp. 1-2) argues that globalization was crucial inmaking it possible for America to enjoy a high level of autonomy andhegemony on the geopolitical stage. Globalization is presented by LaFeber(p. 5) also addresses one of the most hotly discussed issuesfound in the media today: whether the Clinton and George Bushadministrations understood the potential dangers posed by Osama bin Ladenand the Al Qaeda network. 18) is utterly convinced that the demise of the SovietUnion and the emergence of the United States as the sole remaining globalsuperpower has created a situation in which the United States has empirefirmly in its hands. LaFeber (p. Fragmentation as used by this writer speaks to thedivisiveness that eradicates stable relations between nation-states andregions or even relations between ethnic groups within an individualcountry. 1) as "both a cause and a result of the imperialism." However, in identifying September 11, 2 1 as a critical moment inrecent history, LaFeber (p. LaFeber ranges far and wide in his analysis of changes that haveoccurred since September 11, 2 1 in the debate over imperialism,globalization, and fragmentation. Though there are some significant questions left unanswered by thisanalysis, LaFeber (p. 1-18. 5-6) believes that a number offatal foreign policy failures and diplomatic failures occurred during theClinton administration and continued through the first months of theadministration of George W. Finally, LaFeber (p. A Pax Americana would be the ideal result of any American move towardempire. 18). In fact, almost in passing, LaFeber (p.6) asserts that the real Clinton doctrine had more to do with theastonishing stock market gains of the 199 s than with U.S. "The Post-September 11 Debate Over Empire, Globalization, and Fragmentation." Political Science Quarterly, Spring 2 2, 117(1), pp. He comments extensively upon the post-September 11th actions of George W.Bush and makes a strong case that Bush centralized power in the White Houseand thereby made what amounts to a political end run around Congress. 18)maintains that the question to be answered is not whether America hasacquired an empire or what kind of empire it is, but what kind of democracyAmerica will bend her efforts toward creating. LaFeber (p. 18) takes the high ground when he expresses the hopethat the world will now be shaped "by the people who shape governments thatare open, cooperative, and knowledgeable about the past." There is acertain naiveté in this expectation. Bush. Article Critique: International Political EconomySummary of Main Issues Walter LaFeber (p. It is therefore likely that whileeconomic globalization will continue despite September 11th, thefragmentation that led to September 11th will not simply go away becauseAmerica flexes its political, economic, and military muscles. 4) claims that imperialist undertakings suchas America's support for Afghanis resisting the Soviets created anenvironment in which terrorism directed toward the United States was alogical development. Since that time, the United States hasmade it clear that there is very real likelihood of war with Iraq. Though China has "democratized"some of its economic systems, it has done so to attract foreign investmentand has made no effort to offer greater participation in its politicalsystem to its citizens. LaFeber (p. LaFeber (p. 2) suggests in his article thatfragmentation of the political economy had taken place prior to theterrorist attacks on the United States of September 11, 2 1. Bush may elect to overthrow Sadaam Hussein and to assert auniquely American political economy. militaryintervention in such areas as Bosnia and Kosovo in order to haltfragmentation. Just as Kosovo and Bosnia were "hard sells" to theAmerican public, it is possible that a protracted war against terrorismwill be equally difficult to sell domestically. LaFeber is clearly convinced that abeneficent American imperialism has the potential to stabilize the world byreducing fragmentation and creating an order based on American values.Unanswered in his view is the question of whether the American people havesufficient strength of will and an attention span adequate to devotesufficient time to a complex foreign policy.Questions Arising from the Article LaFeber (p. Theseattacks are seen by LaFeber (p. 1) is therelationship between Progressive imperialist ideology and the more recenttwenty-first century imperialism which began with the new technologies ofthe 197 s and the "American triumphalism of the late 198 s and 199 s." Inboth instances, LaFeber (pp. 14) identifiesBush as charting. LaFeber (p. However, LaFeber (pp. 7) moves on to an analysis of how the forces of anti-globalization failed to make much of an impact on the political economy orthe foreign policy initiatives of the sole remaining superpower prior toSeptember 11th. LaFeber (p. 18)is possibly correct in his prediction that the United States will actunilaterally if it deems it necessary to do so. The question of what isneeded to sustain American interest in foreign policy is introduced in thisarticle, but it is in no way answered. 4) links terrorism to the general fragmentation thatoccurred and was heightened by the collapse of the Soviet Union. 1) argues that empire and imperialism generatesthe process of globalization and that fragmentation is an almost alwaysinevitable consequence of the emergence of a sole superpower capable ofhegemonic action. 1-14) fails to take into consideration thefact that fully one-third of the people in the world are Muslim and thatthe vast majority of the Muslim states do not hold the United States inhigh esteem. Certainly, the sovereign governments of other nation-states would object to the notion that "simply because of their power,Americans are more equal than others" (LaFeber, p. It is also difficult to accept the conclusion tentatively advanced byLaFeber (p. Left unanswered in this otherwise insightful essay is the importantquestion of whether the United States possesses sufficient support from itsallies to pursue the foreign policy course that LaFeber (p. 8) introduces the economic theories ofJohn Meynard Keynes into his analysis of fragmentation and privatization. U.S.policy has indirectly and certainly inadvertently helped terrorists bysending aid to the Afghan resistance as a result of the Russian invasion ofAfghanistan and then abandoning Afghanistan after the Soviets retreated inthe late 198 s.

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