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Liberalism
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Compares the early 19th century formulation of individualistic, laissez-faire philosophy now known as Classical Liberalism with the intrusive, big government version that appeared in the late 19th century alongside.... More...
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Paper Abstract:
Compares the early 19th century formulation of individualistic, laissez-faire philosophy now known as Classical Liberalism with the intrusive, big government version that appeared in the late 19th century alongside.
Paper Introduction:
Liberalism
Classical Liberalism
Liberalism or liberal democracy emerged as the political, economic, and social orthodoxy in most European countries from the mid-19th century to the early 20th century, and continues to function as a political cultural, social, and intellectual orthodoxy in the mid- and late 20th century. However, liberalism has not remained static in character during this period. Instead, it has evolved according to the circumstance and changing values of contemporary times. Historians of philosophy have separated the evolution of liberalism into two schools. The first or original school has been labeled classical liberalism and is characterized by concerns for the equal rights of
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However, during industrialization, the working-class increasingly turned to protest of what they saw as middle-classexploitation (Noble, et al., 1994, 876). They believed that advancement strictly by title orinheritance was unjust as well as inefficient: the best man for the job andthe laws of economic survival of the fittest were their creeds. Social commentators of the liberal school noted thatwomen and children seemed the most cruelly affected by industrial "sweatshop" practices (Noble, et al., 1994, 87 ). In the 2 th-century itwould increasingly be difficult for liberals to justify the restriction ofequal opportunities and rights only to white males: especially in the faceof greater militancy on the part of suffragists, such as the Women's Socialand Political Union, who adopted more disruptive tactics for publicizingtheir demands in the early part of the 2 th-century (Noble, et al., 1994,973). The new social conflicts such as class struggles which arose duringindustrialization, also witnessed a decline in the philosophy of classicalliberalism. Manyliberals quickly realized that laissez-faire economic policies were notbenefiting all people in society. These laws were designed to provide assistance for workers whoseability to provide subsistance for themselves and their families wereimpaired by severe injuries suffered in industrial accidents. II. Noble, F.X., Strauss, B.S., Osheim, D.J., Neuschel, K.B., Cohen, W.B.,& Roberts, D.D. This paper willanalyze the themes which formed the basis of each school of liberalism andwill trace the evolution of these concepts. For example, he believedpeople did not have the right to contract themselves out for hazardouslabor they new would cause them injury. These Constitutions were an outgrowth of the liberalconcern for a balance between individual and community rights and the rolegovernment played in securing this social balance. George believed thatthe industrialists and the government were obligated to care for workerswho were injured providing services which benefited the industrialists aswell as the national interests. Thomas Hill Green became a leading voice in the modern liberal schoolwho advocated an abandonment of the traditional liberal call for laissez-faire policies. Karl Marx' theories show how liberalismtransformed itself to match the new industrial era realities. (1995). Where once the middle-class was viewed as the champion of amore just and free society, this class was now met with more suspicion andantipathy by the working-classes. Boston,MA: Houghton Mifflin Company. Thus, George advocated an extensive insurance program forEngland modeled on the programs instituted in Germany. This statistic is quite trivial in the face ofthe fact that workers leaving the farmland for labor in the urban marketswere forced to buy products which they once produced for themselves (suchas food, shelter, and clothing). Green also vehemently rejected the industrial era theme that humanswere merely commodities, like any raw material, to be used up and thendiscarded. Modern liberalism was also aresponse to the realization by many liberals that the traditional orthodoxywas inadequate for dealing with the dizzying host of new and complex socialand economic problems which grew out of industrialization. It has been argued that insome ways workers benefited from industrialization such as the example offalling prices on goods. History 2: Western civilisation since 16 --Selected data and documents. The book Western Civilization cites statisticsclaiming that the price of 4 pounds of household bread decreased from 15pennies at the beginning of the 19th-century to 8 1/2 pennies by the 183 s(Noble, et al., 1994, 87 ). Additionally, while industrializationbrought fantastic advances in technology and the sciences, it also broughta widening of the gap between those who had and those who did not. Marx felt thatnationalism was outmoded and that international proletariat classes sharedcommon goals and characteristics which transcended national boundaries. Mill, J.S. In fact many became horrified by whatthey perceived as "greed run amok" and the abandonment of socialresponsibility by those interested only in their own personal and materialgain. Additionally, the wide variety of goods displayed by thesehuge department stores catered to laborers with extremely limited time totravel to a wide variety of specialty stores for the products they needed-thus one stop shopping was born. Liberals began advocating huge social and welfare experiments such asOtto Von Bismark's series of welfare initiatives aimed at providinginsurance for factory and mine workers (1881), sickness insurance (1884),and the old age and invalidity insurance laws of 1887 (Noble, et al., 1994,939). (1789). (Fall 1997 ed.) Class photocopy reader. Mill was greatly disturbed by some of the morehypocritical aspects of classical liberalism theories. Mill argued that if liberals truly believed the law should treat allwith equality and impartiality, then they must abandon archaic beliefsconcerning the alleged superiority of the male gender over the femalegender (Mill, 1869, 113). Industrialization was also disastrous for the environment. Only men of the strong middle class workethic steeped in righteous moral behavior, social responsibility, and thewill and ingenuity to solve problems, could lead a free market society tothe promises of a better life. However, due to the strong presence of a variety of races,American liberalism emphasized racial exclusions, such as blacks and NativeAmericans, to a greater degree than its European counterparts. Women were in the vanguard of newcharity organizations such as the Salvation Army, founded in 1878 (Noble,et al., 1994, 94 ). He wrote that no state was truly free in which the advancement of afew rested on the degradation of the many (Perry, Peden, & Von Laue, 1995,172). However, liberalism has not remained static in character duringthis period. These concerns of Bentham's werecharacterized by what he called, the "principle of utility." He argued: By utility is meant that property in any object, whereby it tends to produce benefit, advantage, pleasure, good or happiness or to prevent the happening of mischief, pain, evil, or unhappiness to the party whose interest is considered (Bentham, 1789, 1 7). Theseunions were outgrowths of the old artisan and craftsman guilds of the 17th-century, however, now they expanded their influence to include differenttypes of workers under a larger umbrella organization. As stated above, industrialization brought renewed tension betweenthe different classes. The transformation of liberalism between the classical and modernschools is quite fascinating to trace because it reflects how a philosophycan be flexible enough to match changes in the social reality of the era.Hopefully a study of the transformation of liberalism at the end of thelast century will lead to a renewed sense of optimism at the beginning ofthe next century, and a revival of the liberal tradition and its interestsin the welfare of individuals as well as the greater community. Historians of philosophy haveseparated the evolution of liberalism into two schools. Therefore, while these workers weremaking more money, the wages they earned did not cover the expanded rangeof goods and services they were increasingly required to buy just forsubsistence. Modern liberalism de-emphasizes the role of the individual and emphasize the collective natureof classes and groups in the 2 th century. In Bentham's theories,legislation served to bond this relationship in which laws were manifestedfrom reason. The writings of Jeremy Bentham and Friedrich Bastiat, best exemplifysome of the most important themes of the classical liberal tradition.Jeremy Bentham was concerned with the moral aspects of liberalism and theneed to protect the individual's pursuit of happiness, ethical good, andmaterial benefit (Bentham, 1789, 1 7). Hecalled on the working class to rise up around the world in simultaneous,violent revolution aimed at redistributing control over the means ofproduction (Noble, et al., 1994, 882). Women and othergroups were determined to open up the liberal definition of equal rights toinclude all or nearly all underrepresented peoples. They felt the upper classes were toolazy and corrupt and the lower classes too stupid and unschooled to handlethe reigns of social leadership. He advocated the protection of the rights of theindividual: especially in the pursuit of laissez-faire economiccompetition, property, self improvement, and happiness (Noble, et al.,1994, 875). Friedrich Bastiat was most concerned with the nature of law and thederiving of power by authority. Corporations were increasingly abandoning their traditionalcharacteristics of individual enterprises and increasingly becoming trusts,cartels, and multinational conglomerations. (Fall 1997 ed.) Class photocopy reader. He equated restrictions on competitionwith restraint and even slavery because those who would restrict hisability to compete for the best goods and services available, were implyingthat he lacked the intelligence, judgment, and responsibility to know whatserved his best interests. (1994). Bastiat also is concerned with freedom of competition because hebelieves competition is representative of freedom of choice: "If theyleave me my liberty, Competition remains. Quite simply, classicalliberals advocated complete freedom of markets in which government's playedlimited roles and the liberties of individuals were only restricted byconsent. (185 ). In what concerns my owninterest, I desire to chose for myself, not that another should choose forme, or in spite of me-that is all" (Bastiat, 185 , 1 9).John Stuart Mill John Stuart Mill embraced many of the most important tenets ofclassical liberalism. Instead, they modified their philosophy to meet the newrealities of industrialization. By the mid-twentieth-century,it had evolved into modern liberalism which emphasized the role of thestate in regulating the welfare of the community. Some of the core values of this philosophy included freetrade and open markets, and the absolute sanctity of private propertyrights (Noble, et al., 1994, 956). In fact Mill would begin to move toward socialist philosophy nearthe end of his illustrious career as it became more and more obvious thatclassical liberal theories could not address problems associated with thenew industrial era such as increased urban sprawl and poverty, child labor,unsafe labor conditions, and the growth of unsanitary conditions in urbanareas (Noble, et al., 1994, 875).Modern Liberalism To a great degree modern liberalism was a response to the new age ofindustrialism which swept the western world during the latter half of the19th-century and into the 2 th-century. One of his mostimportant objections to liberal classical theories was its emphasis onindividual rights but its denial of these rights to individuals beyondwhite males. (Since 156 ). Rockefellersuggested in the 189 s that the age of combination had arrived and the ageof individualism had died forever, he was referring to industrialism'stransformation of social reality into one of masses (Rockefeller, 189 s,244). Perry, M., Peden, J.R., & Von Laue, T.H. Suddenly, society hadto deal with new problems such as massive pollution of the air and waterresources. He reminds readers that women have a long writtenhistory protesting their social position as well as points to Americanwomen organizations and conventions supporting women's rights (Perry,Peden, & Von Laue, 1995, 199). Besides free market policies, classical liberalism was expressed inthe Constitutions governing the protection of individual rights anddefining the relationship between individuals and their governments, whichflourished among western nations from the late 17th-century to the end ofthe 19th-century. These higher prices ensured thatcompetitors of Standard Oil could not match their cheaper oil unless theyalso came up with the capital to buy their own supply and transportationcompanies. Mill refutes the common perception that women are satisfied with theirsecondary status by citing examples of women organizing for their socialand political rights. Sources of theWestern tradition, Vol. The innovation of collective business wrought by the industrial eraaltered every aspect of production and economic activities in societies.Department stores became the dominant means of distributing personal goodsto the public because their control of most aspects of the distributionprocess meant cheaper goods for consumers and greater profit margins forthe companies. One of the new social phenomena to arise from industrialization andchallenge classical liberalism was the growth of working-class solidarity.Classical liberalism had placed its emphasis on social leadership in themiddle-class work ethic. New socialforces and groups arose from this era which had never been anticipated bythe classical liberals and they required a new philosophy for social order. David Loyd George echoed the modern liberal sentiment that the statewas responsible for the welfare of its citizens. He wasparticularly angry that some had linked individual, free market competitionto anarchy (Bastiat, 185 , 1 9). Classical liberals also believed in the value of meritocracy in whichan individual's skills, hard work, and ingenuity, were the sole marks ofachievement. He reasoned that this was a validrestriction since the injured worker would damage his usefulness to thecommunity and in fact become a welfare burden to the state (Perry, Peden, &Von Laue, 1995, 173). Thus,liberals began advocating the passage of reform and regulatory legislationto counter these abuses. By 185 , fish could not survive in the lower Thames River inLondon (Noble, et al., 1994, 874). Thus, theliberal traditions touted the nobility and morality of a strong work ethicas characterized by the middle class. He strongly felt that authority could onlybe derived from reason. Bastiat argued that an individual best knewwhere his interests would be served and that each individual attained thebest services according to their own merits and talent (Bastiat, 185 ,1 9). This basic tenet was strongly advocatedby many of America's revolutionary era thinkers such as Thomas Jefferson,Thomas Paine, John Adams, and Benjamin Franklin. Through thisclosed market system, Standard Oil could destroy its competition byfreezing them out of competitive operations. A policy or behavior did notserve the utility of the individual if it detracted from the sum total ofhis happiness (Bentham, 1789, 1 7). Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin Company. Perhaps the fastest growing and mostpowerful new theme born of the industrial era and influenced by the schoolof liberalism was socialism. Instead, it has evolved according to the circumstance andchanging values of contemporary times. He pointed out thatmost of England's working class had no health insurance because theirmeager salaries could not cover the steep premiums. History 2: Western civilization since 16 --Selected data and documents. Bentham also used utility to express his concern for a balance betweenthe interests of a collective community with the needs of the individual.Utility was also a means of judging proper policy or behavior. In fact many of the themes ofthe classical school of liberalism would be rejected by modern liberals whorealized they no longer fit the new social, political, and economicrealities created by the dawning of industrialization. They felt that white maleswere the only group worthy of, and capable of, handling civil liberties.In Europe, this ideology excluded women, foreigners (from outside Europe inparticular), non-anglo and non-Caucasian groups (such as gypsies, EasternEuropean and Mediterranean ethnics). He argued that laissez-faire had failed to provide for the needs of citizens-particularly of theworking-class. He became a vociferous advocate of women's rights andsuffrage in the mid 19th-century. He criticized those who felt free marketcompetition was detrimental to the greater good of society. The first ororiginal school has been labeled classical liberalism and is characterizedby concerns for the equal rights of individuals (especially legal rights),the right to pursuit of free market and material gain, the judgment ofindividuals based on merit, the protection of rights of property, and anemphasis on moral and social responsibility. So, while industrialism brought greatadvances in medical research, these benefits to society were somewhatoffset by the decline in the quality of life through unhealthy pollution,the poisoning of the environment, and the exponential growth of illnessessuch as cancer. Mill anticipates later liberals who are not satisfied with thepopulations left in misery or without representation by classicalliberalism. Liberals did not simply disappear when these new innovations alteredthe character of society and made many of the old themes of their schoolseem outmoded. Unions were organized as a meansof countering the political and economic power of capitalists. Even the mostardent laissez-faire liberals found it hard to defend industries whichforced very young children and pregnant women to endure hard labor, underdangerous conditions, and for little pay (Noble, et al., 1994, 938). Governments were alsoguided by the laws of utility in which governmental actions must serve theutility by enhancing the community's welfare rather than diminishing it(Bentham, 1789, 1 8). Green argued that all individuals had an equal right toeducational and economic opportunities (Perry, Peden, & Von Laue, 1995,172). Industrialization had a severe impact on the family structure throughits unquenchable thirst for cheap labor. Standard Oil provides a starkexample of this new reality. Anaction did not serve the utility of the community if it detracted from thecommunity's welfare, happiness, and interests. Women's growing agitation for suffrage signaled a renewed effort toincrease the democratization of the liberal movement. Citing the example of Germany, Georgepointed out that nationalized health care benefited the national economy byproviding for the treatment of sick workers, thus making them able toreport back to work as well as be more efficient at their jobs (Perry,Peden, & Von Laue, 1995, 2 8). Thisposition represented a radical departure from the classical school ofliberalism in which the government's role in everyday life of the communitywas almost nonexistent. Classical liberalism also embraced the notion of expanded civilliberties for individuals (Noble, et al., 1994, 956). (1869). In America, this ideology alsoexcluded women. He took his philosophy a step further by insisting that the state hada moral obligation to regulate and interfere in the administration oflabor, education, and health in order to insure the greater welfare of thecommunity and individuals (Perry, Peden, & Von Laue, 1995, 173). He would insist that governments had an obligation to helpthose who were not benefited by free market policies (Noble, et al., 1994,875). The ends, in turn, were decided by understanding whichcircumstances would bring the greatest good the greatest number of people(Bentham, 1789, 1 8). Similarly, an action or policy served the utility of the community ifit served to enhance the community's welfare, happiness, and interests. Liberals abandoned their old position that government should intrudeas little as possible into the lives and activities of individuals whichhad characterized the classical school. Standard Oilproduced its own oil, shipped it on Standard Oil owned transportation,utilizing Standard Oil constructed equipment, and moved to Standard Oilowned and operated storage and distribution facilities. Ironically, George's logic at the beginningof the 2 th-century still has not been adopted in the leading industrialnation, America, which continues its selfish and self-destructive policiesof allowing millions of American workers to go without health insurance. As the working-classes began to become more self-conscious and as tensions between theclasses rose during industrialization, working-class organizationsincreasingly turned to collective action as a means of countering thecapitalist economic power. Finally, Mill warns that European societiesare losing out by not accepting the contributions women have to offer interms of improving society through participation in the political process(Perry, Peden, & Von Laue, 1995, 2 1). Bastiat, F. II: From the Renaissance to the present. The collective nature of man was of critical importance to thetheories of socialists and the more radical communists. Where once the oil companies were specializedfirms narrowly engaged in producing oil and relying on other companies foractivities such as shipping and storage of these products, Standard Oil nowcombined all of these activities under one parent company. Prussia andGermany also passed laws forbidding the employment of children younger than9 years of age in 1839. However, theclassical liberals had an extremely narrow view of who was worthy ofexpanded rights including economic and educational opportunities, andenfranchisement (Noble, et al., 1994, 956). If a policyor behavior served the utility of the individual, then it benefited oradded to the sum total of his happiness. It is interesting to note that while Bentham was concerned with theutility of the individual, he implied that both individuals and governmentshad to serve the greater need of the community. History 2: Western civilisation since 16 --Selected data and documents. Classical liberalism, as historians of philosophy have labeled thisschool of thought, grew out of the philosophy of the mid 17th-century andbecame an extremely influential philosophy in the western world by the mid-19th century. Laborers were now viewed in the industrial era as just anotherreplaceable commodity like any other raw material needed for themanufacturing process. Many nations responded to this new unionistorder by banning labor unions altogether (Noble, et al., 1994, 88 75). Reason governed which means were acceptable for attaining adesired ends. Groups traditionallyunderrepresented by social, economic, and political powers were drawn outof the home in increasing numbers and sent into the factories to endurelong, unsafe, and unhealthy working conditions with little in the way offair compensation. The needfor fantastic amounts of raw natural resources to feed the industrialenergy requirements transformed and permanently scarred the environment ofindustrialized nations (Noble, et al., 1994, 874). By 1849, Germany had created its first socialsecurity system (Noble, et al., 1994, 938). LiberalismClassical Liberalism Liberalism or liberal democracy emerged as the political, economic,and social orthodoxy in most European countries from the mid-19th centuryto the early 2 th century, and continues to function as a politicalcultural, social, and intellectual orthodoxy in the mid- and late 2 thcentury. Green acknowledged that the changes he advocated would entailthe curtailing of some individual freedoms. Nevertheless, John Stuart Mill anticipated the concerns of modernliberalism that classical liberalism could not address all the needs orproblems of society. When an industrialist such as John D. References Bentham, J. Modern liberals were rejecting the classicalnotion that, if left alone, natural market conditions would mandate thatthe welfare of the community would be enhanced through freedom ofcompetition. Mill also agreed with the liberal tradition's creed thatgovernment must be of limited nature whose primary role was to serve theinterests of the individual as well as the greater society. For example, Standard Oilcould force out of business (and eventually buy up the holdings) of acompeting company by either refusing to allow it to use the transportationsystems now owned by Standard Oil, or by charging it higher rates to moveits oil and products over these lines. However, industrialization saw the decline of otherclassical liberal themes such as an emphasis on the interests ofindividuals in society. Western civilization: The continuing experience.Vol. He challenged his critics to prove that socialsystems of inequality between men and women were based on deliberation orsocial ideas that were conducive to the benefit of humanity and society.Instead, he reiterated that these remaining chauvinistic values were leftover from the dawn of human history when brute strength was the only judgeof human value (Perry, Peden, & Von Laue, 1995, 199). He felt thetalents, responsibility, motivations, and hard work of individuals betterserved economic growth when not interfered with by governments and theirbureaucratic rules (Noble, et al., 1994, 875). Increasingly, liberals beganchampioning social reforms as a means of countering the suffering theyperceived by classes in society exploited and ravaged by industrialism.Increasing abuses by labor hungry industry and the threat of the militancyof labor unions forced many liberals to acknowledge that the time had comefor government to intervene (Noble, et al., 1994, 938). Middle and upper classes and traditional institutions such as thechurch, began emphasizing the importance of charity work to aid the poorand working classes during this period. Gone was theemphasis on individualism and the sanctity of private property: like theindustrialists, Marx now concentrated on the collective nature of the classconsciousness and the ways of controlling the means of production.Individual interests were subverted to the greater interests of the class.Marx' radical new philosophy de-emphasized the importance of privateproperty and instead advocated wholesale redistribution of wealth equallyamong the different classes (Noble, et al., 1994, 882). (Fall 1997 ed.) Class photocopy reader.
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