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Modern Haitian Government
Term Paper ID:27142
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Describes the ups & downs of governance in Haiti since the overthrow of the Duvaliers in 1986. Focuses on current difficulties since the US intervention in 1994.... More...
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Paper Abstract:
Describes the ups & downs of governance in Haiti since the overthrow of the Duvaliers in 1986. Focuses on current difficulties since the US intervention in 1994.
Paper Introduction:
I. Introduction
Today, the Caribbean island nation of Haiti is struggling to maintain its democratic experiment embarked upon in 1990. Presidential elections held in 1995 represented the first time in the nation's 200 year history that transition of power from one democratically elected government to another was completed successfully (Haiti - Political situation, 1997, 1). However, Haiti's fledgling democracy stands threatened by political infighting and lack of vision which has paralyzed the government. The democratic process in Haiti is also threatened by rampant corruption within the judicial system as well as an alarming surge in crime which many link directly to increased traffic in cocaine on the island (The wonders of Haitian democracy, 1998, 39).
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Time Magazine. (1997, December 25). [On-Line]. The GNP of Haiti in 1996 was $2.5billion (before inflation), or roughly the equivalent of this year's NASAbudget. Presidential electionsheld in 1995 represented the first time in the nation's 2 year historythat transition of power from one democratically elected government toanother was completed successfully (Haiti - Political situation, 1997, 1).However, Haiti's fledgling democracy stands threatened by politicalinfighting and lack of vision which has paralyzed the government. In one of the more blatant instances oftampering with the Constitution, Aristide unilaterally placed theProvisional Electoral Council (CEP) under Presidential domain. Kovaleski believesthis is in part due to the fact that judges make less money than policeofficers who earn $8 a month (Kovaleski, 1998, A23). [On-Line]. Jean-Bertrand Aristide, a young Catholic priest from the poorestslums of the capital, Port-au-Prince, rode the huge groundswell of popularsupport, which had ended the Duvalier dictatorship, into the presidency.Aristide was wildly popular because he had remained in the capital's slumsto tend to the needs of the poor and because he was well known for hisleading role in the opposition movement against the former dictatorship.In effect, the poorest people of Haiti saw Aristide as one of them (Haiti -Political situation, 1997, 1). The lower divisionis called the "Chamber of Deputies" and consists of 83 elected seats. The island is subdivided into nine departments which areroughly similar to French provinces in terms of how they are administered.Currently, the ruling party is the Lavalas Party, although this party hasrecently fractured into several warring factions. Preval has pushed forward with a privatization process forinefficient state-owned industries. Particularly in light of more than 2 years ofdomination by repressive foreign governments or domestic regimes. If they cannot, the currentparalysis will lead to a return to the repressive, lawless days of thepast. As a result, the fewsuccesses of the government are limited while its glaring failures gounaddressed.V. The Gazette. (1997, May 23). Rotberg, R.I. Critics charged that these tacticswere inconsistent with the democratic ideology which Aristide had claimedwhile in exile (Tierney, 1995, 1). Smolowe, J. Particularly in light of a report byJimmy Carter's "Heritage Foundation" which produced strong evidence thatthe 199 Presidential election was free of corruption and tampering(contrary to Haitian military claims) (Tierney, 1995, 1). U.S. Haiti's political crisis continues.Miami Herald. Haiti has long held the unenviable position asthe poorest nation in the western hemisphere (Background notes: Haiti,1997, 6). Foremost it must be acknowledged thatthe mere fact Haiti is still in the hands of a civilian democracy is itsmost triumphant success. However, Aristide and his supporters did not go quietly. #6 . Despite threats of military intervention as well asthe institution of severe sanctions by the world community, Cedras and theJunta swore in their hand-picked president, Haitian Supreme Court JusticeEmile Jonassaint (Smolowe, 1994, 1). (1998 February 16). Available: http://www.state.gove/www/background_notes/haiti_ 497_bgn.html Bohning, D. Itis important to note that while future stability in that nation must besupported by foreign aid, any program will fail unless the Haitian peoplethemselves create change and take responsibility for their own destiny. However,when Preval was elected in December of 1995, just 28% of the populationbothered to vote. Available:http://www.herald.com/americas/carib/haiti/digdocs/ 12357.htm Haiti - Political situation (1997 August). MacSwan, A. At the heart of the split within the Lavalas political party weredifferences in philosophies on how to turn around Haiti's ailing economy aswell as further stabilize the political atmosphere on the island(Trouillot, 1997, 2). Economic stability is the only sure means ofreversing the skyrocketing crime rate, drug trafficking, politicalprotests, and political assassinations which are racking Haiti.Additionally, it is time the international community, especially the UnitedStates, stop settling for surface images that democracy is well in Haitiand start cooperating with the Haitian government to bring about real,substantive, long term stability to this long suffering nation. All around themthey still see the same hopeless poverty that existed before the revolutionof 1986. Introduction Today, the Caribbean island nation of Haiti is struggling to maintainits democratic experiment embarked upon in 199 . Preval appointed Rosny Smarth as Prime Minister witha mandate to institute the tough austerity measures insisted upon by theWorld Bank and International Monetary Fund as conditions for further loansand investments (Trouillot, 1997, 1). For the foreseeable future, experts expect Haiti's annual economicgrowth to be no more than 4.5% with most experts strongly believing thisrepresents best-case projections (Background notes: Haiti, 1997, 1). It is anticipated that Preval will nominate a member of theopposition Lavalas Family and a strong supporter of Aristide to the post ofhead of the Central Bank. These charges may or may not be true but they point to a largerproblem within the Haitian political culture. $2 billion dollars had beenpledged to Haiti through the year 1999; yet most of this money has not beendispensed due to the inability of political factions to forge an allianceand create an innovative, tough, and productive plan for future growth ofthe nation's economy. Carter center report disavowsHaiti's 'restoration' of democracy, The Heritage Foundation. Defenders of Aristide charged that thesenefarious claims were supported by the Clinton administration which hadnever been comfortable with Aristide and were maneuvering to remove himfrom the Haitian political stage during a series of elections scheduled for1995 (Trouillot, 1997, 2). Unfortunately, worse tactics by Aristide and his supporters weredisplayed during the summer elections for local positions in thedepartments as well as national legislative positions. Tierney, J.J., Jr. For example, the government's inability to put together acomprehensive economic reform package has scared away potential privateinvestors and left $34 million in foreign aid on hold as the InternationalMonetary Fund and World Bank wait for Haiti to institute the terms of theirloan agreement (The wonders of Haitian democracy, 1998, 39). Thelegislative branch consists of two governing bodies. (1997). (1995 August 15). When Aristide was elected President in 199 , 88%of the eligible voting population turned out for the election. Cartels buying Haiti. Signs of Success And/Or Mismanagement in Domestic and Foreign Affairs. This petty bickering has prevented the various political factions inHaiti from working together to formulate a plan for improving Haiti'spolitical and economic condition as it heads into the new millennium.Perhaps these men can be accused of selfishness and shortsightedness ratherthan lack of intelligence or the skills necessary to accomplish theimportant tasks which will secure Haiti's future. Aristide rebuffedefforts from his former friend, Jimmy Carter, to monitor the elections andboth opposition parties and international media outlets and observerscharged that the elections were rigged by rampant ballot tampering.Aristide supporters on the CEP dismissed nearly all complaints as well asevidence submitted regarding specific instances of voting irregularity(Tierney, 1995, 1). Additionally, thereexist countless minor opposition parties (Background notes: Haiti, 1997,1).II. These critics point to newly paved roadsleading up to Aristide's mansion and charge that while in office, Aristidediverted international funds meant for rebuilding the infrastructure ofHaiti for use on pet projects such as repaving his driveway. WashingtonPost Foreign Service. Most of these crimes were carried out by right wing supportersof the military. However, members of the President's own partyhave already vowed to derail this nomination as retribution for therejection of nominations to the Prime Minister's post (Bohning, 1997, 2). [On-Line]. Almost immediately after regaining power Aristide began implementingsome highly controversial legislation. Most ofHaiti's leadership comes from the upper classes and where educated at someof the most renowned western schools. Unfortunately, every one of these success must be qualified due toongoing corruption and mismanagement as well as an inability on the part ofthe government to act decisively or coherently in dealing with theseissues. [On-Line]. 8 % of Haiti's population belong to the RomanCatholic religion while 1 % list themselves as Protestants. The lack of international funds has meant that Haiti's vaunted newnational police force is undermanned and ill-equipped. Shortlythereafter a series of rulings came down from this council which badlytilted the political process toward Aristide's ruling party, Lavalas. (1997, April 5). The way I see it: Traps and trappings ofHaitian democracy. Whether they are ready or not, thisscaling back of foreign influence in Haiti will mean more autonomy for thepeople (Haiti - Political situation, 1997, 2). Severalinternational groups have charged the Haitian police of killing more than1 people since 1995 (The wonders of Haitian democracy, 1998, 39). (1997, April 22). This may be a bit unfair as no less than two highly qualifiedcandidates for the position have been rejected by the legislature primarilybecause they support Preval's austerity reform movement.IV. By mid 1994 the international community had had enoughand adopted resolution 94 calling for military intervention in Haiti(Background notes: Haiti, 1997, 7). Compounding the problems associated with rampant poverty is the factthat Haiti has one of the densest population concentrations (65 per squaremile) of any nation in the world (Background notes: Haiti, 1997, 5).Currently, Haiti's population stands at approximately 7.18 million people.In a nation where the average annual per capita income is $34 and wherethe healthcare system is woefully inadequate, health and disease concernsare perpetually at crisis levels. The question remains whether the people of Haiti cansummon the courage, resolve, and vision to create a viable, stable, socialand political climate in their nation. Its government is similar in design to the UnitedStates with an executive branch headed by an elected president. If the Haitians fail to create a program for future growth andstability, they risk falling back into their centuries-old pattern ofviolence, oppression, human rights violations, and economic stagnation. Of the two candidates rejected by thelegislature for the post of Prime Minister, one was a well respected headof the nation's central bank while another one was a noted economist,academic, and former minister of culture (Bohning, 1997, 1). The Haitian Constitution stipulates that no President may remain inoffice for consecutive terms thus Aristide stepped down in December of1995. He followed closely in the wake of a 25, -strong international militaryforce consisting mostly of Americans. However, even atslightly less than $8 a month, judges still make much more than theaverage Haitian in terms of annual salary. However, these leaders are apparently content to bicker over pettyissues while maneuvering for greater position for themselves and theirrespective parties. The HeritageFoundation: F.Y.I. Meanwhile, the people continue to suffer daily and thegovernment has been completely paralyzed for the better part of a year anda half. Since then, Preval has shown an alarming lack of resolution infinding a suitable replacement for Prime Minister who would institute thenecessary changes to guarantee international monetary support. Miami Herald. Aristide also strongly opposesPreval's efforts to privatize several inefficient state-operated industries(Trouillot, 1997, 2). (1997 April). The members of theoriginal party who stayed loyal to Aristide joined his new party, calledthe "Lavalas Family" (Trouillot, 1997, 1). Department of ForeignAffairs and International Trade Report. While it is imperative that Haiti retain its autonomy, it is equallyclear that it cannot succeed without massive infusions of monetary aid andinvestment from the international community. In addition, the Haitiangovernment is hiring and training more investigators aimed specifically atrouting out corruption in the judiciary. However thecaveat should be noted that an overwhelming number of the population alsohold some or many beliefs in Voodoo practices. Were the Intelligence and Skills of Haiti's Leadership up to the Taskof Good Governance? Haiti, after rebound, again at risk.The Christian Science Monitor. It was not until 199 that presidential elections wereheld. This time it was Cedras and theother Junta leaders turn to enter into exile (Haiti - Political situation,1997, 1).III. The Coup was planned and implemented by a Junta of Haitianmilitary leaders lead by General Raoul Cedras (Smolowe, 1994, 1). It is obvious the Haitian people view the currentbickering amongst political factions as evidence that the government is notattentive to their needs (Haiti - Political situation, 1997, 2).VI. Aristide triumphantly returned to a heroes welcome in October of 1994. Thedemocratic process in Haiti is also threatened by rampant corruption withinthe judicial system as well as an alarming surge in crime which many linkdirectly to increased traffic in cocaine on the island (The wonders ofHaitian democracy, 1998, 39). Available:http://www.dfait-maeci.gc.ca/english/geo/lac/haiti/82 51-e.htm Kovaleski, S.F. They note that hehas moved out of his former strongholds in the ghettos of Port-au-Princeand into a luxury villa in one of Haiti's few upscale neighborhoods.Despite calls from a variety of Haitian critics, Aristide has refused todivulge how an underpaid Catholic priest from the slums of the capital isnow able to afford such expansive quarters (complete with manicured lawnsand a large swimming pool). Just nine monthsafter being popularly elected, Aristide and his political party, Lavalas,were thrown out of office by Coup d'Etat (Haiti - Political situation,1997, 1). A22. Aristide enjoyed only a brief stint as president. (1998, February 28). Rene Preval, who had served as Aristide's Prime Minister in 1991,swept into power with 88% of the vote (Background notes: Haiti, 1997, 7).However, Aristide was again unwilling to leave Haiti's political stage andengineered a split into factions of the Lavalas party. Aristide and the Lavalas Familyoppose these tough measures on the grounds that they unfairly increase thesuffering of the poor (Trouillot, 1997, 2). Lessobvious successes include the creation of Haiti's first civilian controllednational police force under Aristide (Haiti - Political situation, 1997,2). Conclusion As stated in the introduction, Haiti stands at a momentous turningpoint in its history. Someof the new regulations made it impossible for opposition parties toregister for the 1995 elections (Tierney, 1995, 1). Haiti is the second oldest republic (after the United States) in thewestern hemisphere. Decades of human rights abuses, restrictions on freedoms, andcorruption under the dictatorship of the Duvalier family, greatly increasedthe suffering of the Haitian people. Thethird branch of government is the judicial branch entitled the Court ofCassation. The police forcecurrently consists of 5,3 men which is inadequate for policing a nationof over 7 million people (Kovaleski, 1998, A24). The upper division isknown as the "Senate" and consists of 27 elected seats. I. Haiti has enjoyed a few successes under what can be best described asthe most trying of circumstances. Haiti: Shadow play. In fact, noPrime Minister has been appointed as of March 1998 and The Economistcomplains that Preval is more interested in wandering the countryside inwhat they call the equivalent of traveling political minstrel showssupporting his pet projects, rather than facing the tough decisions whichmust be made in Port-au-Prince (The wonders of Haitian democracy, 1998,39). Smarthy resigned in the summer of 1997 under intense pressure andseveral attempts at no confidence votes in the legislature by hisopponents. Available:http://www.herald.com/americas/carib/haiti/digdocs/ 1391 .htm Clinton extends U.S. Thus, the result has been a growing cynicism and indifference tothe democratic process. Aristide acts from sidelines in Haitipolls. State Department. It is estimated that this year 7% of the cocaine which will enterthe United States will pass through Haiti (Kovaleski, 1998, A23). Haiti stands at a crossroads in which its democratic form ofgovernment as well as any chances of economic growth will only survive ifthe political factions of the nation unite in both resolve and vision toclean up the epidemic of corruption and inefficiency in their politicalsystem. Reuters. Furthermore,the charge that these discrepancies are evidence of the self-serving natureof his efforts to oppose the reforms of President Preval (Macswan, 1997,1). In addition, as in other departments of the government, corruptionseems to be prevalent in the police force. This force is alsoinadequate in light of the flood of cocaine reported to be moving throughHaiti. [On-Line]. The Heritage Foundation charged Aristide with circumventingHaiti's 1987 Constitution. Thesmall police force has neither the training nor the equipment to deal withincreasing banditry in the countryside and lawlessness on the part of wholecommunities fed up with conditions in Haiti (The wonders of Haitiandemocracy, 1998, 39). Haiti's leaders are clearlyintelligent and well educated men. Since its establishment in1994, more than 26 police officers have been fired or are in jail awaitingtrial on charges ranging from drug trafficking and use of excessive force,to political torture and assassination (Kovaleski, 1998, A23). These various problems and the government's inability to takecorrective action have deeply disillusioned the people. The modern nation of Haiti was founded in 18 4 following a long,bitter, and bloody revolution by slaves and freed blacks lead by TouissantL'Overture. 95% of Haiti's population is of African descent with another 5% ofAfrican and European descent. Preval successfully managed to renegotiate the terms of internationalloans to build an infrastructure in Haiti where virtually none has existedbefore. (1997 July 7). Cedras and Aristide signed a ten point agreement for the return ofpower to civilian authorities in 1993 but the military soon reneged on thisplan. Nevertheless, one of the most vocal critics outside of Haiti was JimmyCarter's Heritage Foundation which had formerly been strong supporters ofAristide. Tragically, for nearly two hundred years the nation has beendominated by repressive dictatorships, military juntas, Coup d'Etats,corruption, and violence. The oppressive tactics of this regimesparked a massive grass roots movement, supported by the Haitian CatholicChurch, which lead to the overthrow and exile of the Duvaliers in 1986.The following year, the Haitian people adopted their first Constitution ofthe modern era. Haiti has two official languages, French andCreole, although less than 1 % of the population speaks the former.Additionally, Haiti has a staggeringly low literacy rate of 35% (Backgroundnotes: Haiti, 1997, 1). While it is unclear whether theseefforts will be entirely successful, at least some action acknowledging thedire need for change in terms of how these industries are managed hasbegun. Opponents of Aristide have accused him of falling prey to bribery,kickbacks and other types of shady deals in order to enrich himself whilelining up for another run at the Presidency in 2 1. How Did the Leaders of Haiti's (Modern) Independence Movement AchievePower? References Background notes: Haiti. Available:http://empower.org/heritage/library/categories/forpol/fyi6 .html Trouillot, M. The Haitian military further worsened the situation by sanctioning acampaign of unprecedented murder, disappearances, rapes, and torture of itsopponents. mission in Haiti. Over the centuries Haitianshave styled a unique brand of western religions which blend them withtraditional Voodoo beliefs. Aristidelobbied hard for United States and world support for the ouster of themilitary government and the return of his popularly elected government.Although the United States was quite distrustful of Aristide and hispopulist platform (in particular his support of the nationalization of allof Haiti's most important industries), there was little room for theClinton administration to negotiate for the institution of a differentgovernment, nor even fresh elections. The Economist.39. Aristidewas unceremoniously sent into exile while the military instituted a seriesof puppet governments. How Did the New Leaders Manage Their Newly Acquired Power? Furthermore, the international community has scaled back itspresence in Haiti and left a United Nations Transition Mission in Haiti tofurther assist the Haitian people. Most critics point to the judiciary branch as the most corruptgovernment agency in the nation (Kovaleski, 1998, A23). However, those who backedPreval remained in the Lavalas Political Organization (OPL) (Trouillot,1997, 1). The wonders of Haitian democracy.
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