|
|
Essay Subject:
Examines rise to power of female President of Iceland (1980-1996). Politics, personality, foreign relations, views on women, effectiveness.... More...
|
8 Pages / 1800 Words
11 sources, 14 Citations,
MLA Format
$32.00
More Papers on This Topic
|
Paper Abstract:
Examines rise to power of female President of Iceland (1980-1996). Politics, personality, foreign relations, views on women, effectiveness.
Paper Introduction:
This research will examine Vigdis Finnbogadottir, president of Iceland from 1980 to 1996, and the political life in Iceland, from the women's point of view. The research will set forth the context in which political life in modern Iceland has been so strongly connected to Finnbogadottir's work and women's issues and then discuss the significance of Iceland's politics in the context of larger geopolitical interests.
The election in 1980 of Vigdis Finnbogadottir as president of Iceland was noteworthy in a number of ways. Both at the time and subsequently, it was noted that Finnbogadottir was the first woman ever democratically elected president of a country. It would have been appropriate to note as well that women had been elected heads of state before 1980, in particular Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher of Britain (a constitutional monarchy) and Prime
Text of the Paper:
The entire text of the paper is shown below. However, the text is somewhat scrambled. We want to give you as much information as we possibly can about our papers and essays, but we cannot give them away for free. In the text below you will find that while disordered, many of the phrases are essentially intact. From this text you will be able to get a solid sense of the writing style, the concepts addressed, and the sources used in the research paper.
When U.S. "President Vigdis." Scandinavian Review 77 (Winter 1989): 3 -33.Sigmundsdottir, Alda. "Iceland." Encyclopædia Britannica Online, Year in Review: 1966, World Affairs. In effect, therefore, thegeopolitical anonymity of Iceland, together with the image ofFinnbogadottir, whether as nurturing host or as president of a politicallydemocratic but ideologically neutral nation-state, appears to have enhancedits international weight with regard to a Cold War summit. The fact that Finnbogadottir seems to have been more willing todiscuss the position of women outside than inside her country suggests thepersistent strength of conservative social mores and traditional andengendered social roles. This research will examine Vigdis Finnbogadottir, president of Icelandfrom 198 to 1996, and the political life in Iceland, from the women'spoint of view. But this did not prevent her political popularity from beingmaintained, and even growing. . . Both at the time and subsequently, itwas noted that Finnbogadottir was the first woman ever democraticallyelected president of a country. With the benefit of hindsight, historians today conclude that Reagan's show of strength and trust in his instincts brought the Cold War to an end. It is perhaps too much to say that all Icelandic women withFinnbogadottir's administrative qualifications would have an equalopportunity for high office if they did not also have Finnbogadottir'stelegenic persona. Finnbogadottir retained sufficientpopular support to be reelected twice, once in 1988 and again in 1992, eventhough from 1988 to 1996 Iceland was hit by economic decline owing topolicies mandating conservation of fisheries rather than aggressive fishingin Iceland's waters (Matthíasson). Congressman Doug Bereuter (R-Nebraska) recently presented the Icelandic people with documents about this summit, the photographs of President Finnbogadottir and her American counterpart show a buoyant Reagan at the beginning of the meeting and a disappointed Reagan at the end. What must be noted is Iceland's constitutionalrequirement that the country's cabinet, containing up to ten ministers,"must have majority support in parliament, or at least be able to avoidcensure, or it must resign" ("Iceland"). For example, although she has been described as a"sworn pacifist" who demonstrated against the continued presence of theAmerican military base at Keflavik ("1 Most"), she did not pursue aproject of expelling the US presence on the island during headministration. http://wisdom.psinet.net.au/~lani/21.html. talks. Curiously, the modern Icelandic woman has of late become somewhat of an archetype. It must be remembered, too, that the Reykjavik summit occurred ina middle year of the administration of a woman held to have anunconventional social standing when first elected in 198 , then reelectedin 1984. One ofher comments very much reflects her own political experience: "We arewitnessing the ascendancy of equality as a major political issue, and onewhich to a large extent transcends traditional party political boundaries"("Reports" (b) 73). Now Reagan'ssupporters can be said to give too much credit in hindsight to Reagan inusing the Iceland summit to bring down what he famously called the "evilempire," for Reagan does not seem to have had the wit to seize on theopportunity created by the summit. She is seen as strong, independent, emancipated, beautiful and--perhaps more surreptitiously--racially pure. First, there is the issue of the personal relationshipsbetween men and women: [M]any an Icelandic woman has bemoaned the boorish behavior of Icelandic males--simple courtship rites are often completely disregarded, while overt groping in a crowded bar is considered the equivalent of a seduction. This, however, didnot prevent Finnbogadottir from forming an effective coalition governmentduring her administrations. That is to say, Icelandic politicsintrinsically were and are as complicated as any politics in any country inthe West. Finnbogadottir's rise to the presidency was something of a surprise tothe country because of Iceland's reputation and history as a male-dominatedculture. Finnbogadottir has articulated a variety of gender-specific issues,connecting them to political issues more generally. Grondal makes the point that even many who had notvoted for Finnbogadottir in her first election came to the view that shewas a superior candidate. Works CitedCosser, Jeffrey. Nevertheless, achievement of the office itself was importantbecause of the environment of social issues surrounding Finnbogadottir'selection. ."The 1 Most Powerful Women in the World." The Australian Magazine [online]. FDR of course died in 1945, one year before the 1946American presidential election; otherwise the comparison would seem tohold. However, the fact that Finnbogadottir voluntarilyretired from office and was not forced from office by political rivalsindicates that a social and political milestone was passed in Iceland inparticular and Europe more generally, with Finnbogadottir an importantsymbol of possibility. But to diminish Finnbogadottir's political acumen on accountof ordinary courtesy is to ignore the evidence of Finnbogadottir's tenureas president. President Ronald Reagan and U.S.S.R. Part of thecontroversy appears to have stemmed from long-standing Icelandic politicaland social circumstances, and part of it appears to have stemmed from thefigure of Finnbogadottir herself. In other words, Finnbogadottir could easily beperceived as a caretaker of Iceland's popular imagination and therebyretain wide support. Butit must be considered also that this particular summit has been seen as amajor geopolitical event of the end of the Cold War. On the other hand, it would be inaccurate to say thatFinnbogadottir's years as president were without controversy. But this alone does notexplain how Finnbogadottir could become a highly popular candidate, givenevidence of Iceland's conservative, patriarchal social milieu.Finnbogadottir's 198 election did not reshape and revolutionize Icelandicpolitics, which remains dominated by males and male values. At present, only one cabinet minister of 1 is a woman. That kind ofstature was indirectly associated with Finnbogadottir's own politicalstature. The research will set forth the context in which politicallife in modern Iceland has been so strongly connected to Finnbogadottir'swork and women's issues and then discuss the significance of Iceland'spolitics in the context of larger geopolitical interests. "A Saga of Iceland." Skiing 45 (January 1993): 72-8 .Grondal, Gylfi. There she is, presiding in a more or less socialway over a Cold War summit meeting; after all, Iceland was not party toU.S.-U.S.S.R. It would have been appropriate to note aswell that women had been elected heads of state before 198 , in particularPrime Minister Margaret Thatcher of Britain (a constitutional monarchy) andPrime Minister Indira Gandhi of India (a parliamentary democracy) inearlier years. "The Icelanders: A Study in Contradictions?" Scandinavian Review, 86 (Autumn 1998): 21-25. And in any case that is an issue apartfrom the current research. Toemerging democracies, she advised an ethos of political partnership betweenwomen and men, and advised "mature European 'democracies'" against afeeling of superiority or political complacency, "the fundamental flaw intheir model of society if it does not take steps to involve society as awhole--both women and men--in its full operation" ("Reports" (b) 73).Finnbogadottir has also been an active voice in promoting formal policiesof sexual equality in Europe specifically--although by and large in aninternational rather than national venue ("Reports" (a) 64-5). Nor did Finnbogadottir's administration weaken what hasbeen described as Iceland's "ferocious grip on its past. By the way, this is the samenumber of years of the American administration of President Franklin DelanoRoosevelt (1932-45). The reasons have much to do with her actualperformance in office: The new president's magnificent demeanor and charisma charmed people at home and abroad. Like their counterparts in the rest of the Western world they still assume most of the household-related duties, while also holding down a full-time job (Sigmundsdottir 24) A second feature of Icelandic politics and the position of women inthe country's society has to do directly with sociopolitical undercurrents,of which Finnbogadottir has been seen a representative on one hand and ananomaly on the other. Unfortunately, he could not have known that at the time (Grondal 8). The Women's Alliance, indeed, is the sixth most (i.e., least) powerfulof the six socially mainstream political parties in Iceland, sharing the 75-percent plurality not claimed by the country's most powerful party, thecentrist-conservative Independence Party ("Iceland"). It washere that she discussed the full enjoyment of human rights by women. By law, allcitizens must have traditional Icelandic names--a list is provided by thegovernment" (Finkel 73). To see how and why this socially nontraditional woman rosepersistently in stature over the course of her presidency, it is necessaryto look at the evidence of her record and at the political scene in Icelandthroughout the 16 years of her presidency. . The significance of Finnbogadottir's presence as host of the summitcan partly be inferred. On the other hand, Iceland itself, while maintainingno army or navy and accepting American responsibility for its militarydefense, has engaged in adversarial dialogue internally and with othernations, including the U.S., over the years. However, her mostforceful discussion has taken place not in Iceland but outside the country.For example, Finnbogadottir was a keynote speaker at the United Nations 4thWorld Conference On Women held in Beijing, China, in September 1995. . . And while the Women's Alliance--the all-female political party that grabbed world headlines when it was formed--was a commendable undertaking, the fact that it was considered a necessity speaks volumes about the political under-representation of women (Sigmundsdottir 24-25; emphasis added). Certainly Icelandic women have excelled on a number of fronts; suffice it to mention former President Vigdis Finnbogadottir, the first democratically-elected female head of state in the world . Grondal (7) explains that when Finnbogadottir entered thecampaign she received criticism "for being a divorced, single mother, whenonly couples had ever lived at Bessastadir, the presidential residence." AsGrondal adds, Finnbogadottir was elected, not by a majority but by aplurality (legal under Iceland's electoral system) of 33.8 percent ofvotes. Finnbogadottir retired from office in 1996. Sigmundsdottir calls Iceland a study in contradictions, partly becauseof the disconnect between the country's progressive image in general andthe plainly inferior social respect for women in particular, noting thepeople's "decidedly primitive streak, as though their inner development hadnot kept pace with their outer appearance" (Sigmundsdottir 22). FirstSecretary Mikhail Gorbachev: During Finnbogadottir's long and successful presidency a few events stand out, among them the 1986 summit meeting between Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev at the Hofdi House in Reykjavik. She traveled more than any of her predecessors and spread knowledge of her country at a time of growing interaction among nations and increasing media attention to their political and social problems (Grondal 1 ).In some respects, Finnbogadottir appears to have achieved wide popularitybecause she was as much caretaker of Icelandic social tradition as visiblesymbol of social change. Now this is consistent with a traditional view ofwomen as nurturant enablers of more important, masculine activities. Itwould seem to diminish the stature of Finnbogadottir in terms ofinternational politics, where image and perception count for so much. It may be inferred that she believes that experiencemight serve as a useful model for women more generally who desire to becomea part of the mainstream political processes in their own countries. Finnbogadottir's ability to attract political support and achievethree-time reelection has been connected specifically to her performance inoffice, which reflected her appreciation of political realities andtraditions as well as a tendency toward asserting the values of progressivesocial transformation. This is amplified by an amusing report aboutevidence of Finnbogadottir's highly nurturant personality; in one famousincident she personally assisted foreign tourists, with snow shovel andwith her house keys, whose car had broken down near the presidential home(Salter 3 ff). The election in 198 of Vigdis Finnbogadottir as president of Icelandwas noteworthy in a number of ways. "Cultivating the National Garden: President Vigdis of Iceland." Scandinavian Review 82 (Autumn 1994): 4-1 .Finkel, Mike. Throughout her four administrations,Finnbogadottir did nothing to relinquish this grip as a matter of publicpolicy and indeed appears to have fostered a certain nationalistic pride,an enterprise made easier by the unitary ethnic composition of Iceland(Cosser 4-5, et passim). "Leading a New Nation: Iceland's Five Presidents." Scandinavian Review 86 (Autumn 1998): 4-11."Iceland." Encyclopædia Britannica Online .Kunzig, Robert. "Blood of the Vikings." Discover 19 (December 1998): 9 -99.Matthíasson, Björn. This is doubly evidentinasmuch as Iceland was a charter member of the United Nations and NATO andis host to an American/NATO naval air station at Keflavík InternationalAirport ("Iceland"). 1996."Reports From Around the World: Europe." (a) Women's International Network News 21 (Spring 1995): 64-69."Reports From Around the World: Europe." (b) Women's International Network News 22 (Spring 1996): 72-79.Salter, Mary Jo. . . To be sure,though many women are employed outside the home sphere, they earn about 6 percent of their male counterparts in the workplace (Sigmundsdottir 24).Kunzig (98) explains Finnbogadottir's presidency with reference to thepresidency itself, "an elected position of moral rather than politicalauthority." Kunzig also cites Finnbogadottir's prepolitical career as ateacher, student of theatre, and director of Reykjavik Civic Theatre.Despite Finnbogadottir's personal charisma and beauty, these attributes arehardly formal preparation for national leadership. But the larger point is that Hofdi House inReykjavik provided Cold War adversaries a venue for discussion that morepolitically charged cities across the world, especially Moscow orWashington but including the major European capitals from Rome to London toBerlin, could not have provided at the time. To be sure, Finnbogadottir could be interpreted as the beneficiaryof a split vote for all the male candidates. The question of how Finnbogadottir's political success shall beevaluated in terms of Iceland's political life seems difficult to answerbecause Finnbogadottir appears to have been untouched even by obviouslynegative political realities for the country during her administration.Consider, however, Grondal's evaluation of the famous Reykjavik summitmeeting of 1986, between U.S. And yet Icelandic women are not nearly as emancipated as they might seem. . . Thatdisconnect has been explained with reference to two general features ofIcelandic society.
If this paper is not what you are looking for, you can search again:
or
We can write a Custom Essay just for you.
|
|
| 
